By Asif Haroon Raja
President Gen retired Musharraf started his rule on 12 October 1999 with a big bang. After ridiculing the politicians for their corrupt and inept practices and justifying his takeover to put the country back on the rails, he took the judiciary in confidence to legalise all his illegal acts. After initiating his accountability drive and oiling the administrative machinery, he undertook reforms in all the sectors with emphasis on improving the economic health of the country. He promised to rebuild national confidence, strengthen federation, remove inter provincial disharmony and restore national cohesion, revive economy, ensure law and order, dispense speedy justice, depoliticise state institutions, devolve power to grass roots and ensure swift accountability across the board.
He took a good start and started to produce tangible results but no sooner he started to legitimise his rule through extra constitutional means and farce of democracy, things started to go wrong. After eight years of his unchallenged rule, he has delivered little on his seven point agenda.
In his exuberance to speed up his seven-point agenda, Musharraf inducted serving and retired military officers into civil affairs in large numbers and thus militarised civil institutions. This unwelcome intrusion into their exclusive domain was resented by the civilians and over a period of time the resentment turned into hostility. Senior military officers’ opulence and their arrogant behaviour together with military’s well-entrenched ever growing corporate commercial base were other reasons of jealousy and estrangement.
By taking a u-turn on Afghanistan and fighting the US war on terror , Musharraf inflamed anti-American sentiments in Pakistan. Banning of Jihadi organisations at the behest of India and USA, handing over hundreds of Al-Qaeda and Taliban operatives to USA, inducting military into Fata at the nudging of USA to fight its own people, starting counter insurgency operations in Baluchistan, and then brandishing a skewed concept of enlightened moderation to induce the liberals and seculars to his side made him highly unpopular among the Islamists. Creation of King’s party comprising turn coats and NAB defaulters and keeping the leaders of two mainstream parties at bay by Musharraf made the politicians in the opposition bitter and resentful. The unprincipled and conspicuous role of the intelligence agencies in political affairs by way of intimidating the detractors and manipulating election results was another grouse they carried. His second u turn on Kashmir to please India caused a set back to Kashmir cause and saddened the hearts of Pakistanis.
For the attainment of second five-year term, Musharraf had to fight a hard battle with his opponents. He imposed another martial law, subverted the constitution, vandalised the judiciary, the legal fraternity, the media and members of civil society and deprived the people of their fundamental rights. He cared two hoots about the cries of his opponents and the negative impact it had on the federation as long as he could save his seat of power that had been threatened by the judiciary under chief justice Iftikhar. Although he claimed that he had no lust for power, he clung to his two chairs of power tenaciously and inflicted one wound after another to the body of Pakistan. Instead of becoming a symbol of stability he became the chief cause of instability. Except for his loyalists and beneficiaries, the great majority wanted him to abdicate power.
The team of cronies and sycophants around him, however, gave him an altogether different picture portraying him as the best leader Pakistan had seen after Quaid-e-Azam and a saviour. They continuously whistled melodious tunes that without him Pakistan would crumble and that he must not leave Pakistan in a lurch at this crucial juncture. These tunes reinvigorated his sagging spirits and he vowed to stay in power at whatever cost.
Mounting internal and external pressure compelled Musharraf to lift emergency, revoke PCO and revive the constitution. He had to reluctantly remove his uniform which he had worn for 46 years and hold elections. Having mutilated the constitution for the second time, it had become vital for him to put together a regime of his choice with two-third majority so that it could validate his constitutional illegalities. The ideal arrangement as worked out by his mentors in USA and UK was the coalition of PPP-PML-Q-MQM.
Given the polarisation between the political parties, chances of a hung parliament were probable which suited President Musharraf. PPP was acceptable to Musharraf as long as it did not sweep the elections and formed a government at its own, or formed a coalition with PML N and attained two-thirds majority. This arrangement would not only have compromised his imposing position but would also have made the option of his impeachment possible. Despite pre-poll rigging, election results on 18 February proved contrary to the expectations of Musharraf and his King?s Party. The PPP and PML-N emerged victorious and pushed aside PML-Q. By joining hands, the two mainstream parties were able to form a coalition government at the centre with ANP and JUI-F and in Punjab. The tone and tenor of the new government particularly that of PML-N, sounded different to what Musharraf had been used to. Nawaz and other stalwarts of PML-N refuse to break bread with him and are insisting that he should quit. They also insist on restoration of deposed judges which is also the chief demand of the legal fraternity.
Today he finds himself in an unenviable situation despite his repeated claims of having improved the economic health of the country and initiated several mega projects. The balloon of economic miracle has punctured and nothing seems right. Even though he equipped himself with vast powers and made himself the most powerful civilian president this country has ever seen, yet without uniform he feels out of place and vulnerable. To overcome his sense of isolation, he has retained the Army House and has retained the vast security apparatus around him. He feels exposed for he knows that he has committed far too many mistakes and made large number of enemies. His detractors which are in large numbers are desirous of removing his president?s hat as well. As a minimum they want to defang him by depriving him of Article 58-2(b).
Musharraf does not want the judges to be restored for he knows that their re-instatement would not only cost him his chair but also render him answerable to his acts of commission and omission. He wanted to push out non-cooperative PML-N from the coalition and bring in its place his favourites PML-Q and MQM so that the new coalition could validate his second term in power. His efforts have so far succeeded partially; the MQM has been inducted in Sindh cabinet and will also be accommodated in the centre. PPP-PML-N coalition has become fragile and might sap in case judges are not restored by 12 May. However, he is still to patch up differences between Ch brothers and PPP leaders or to affect a change in Q League leadership.
He cannot afford to abdicate power and lead a quiet retired life since his enemies would not let him rest in peace and would keep hounding him like hungry wolves. USA too doesn?t want him to shift to Boston or Istanbul and want him to continue fighting the US war on terror as before. It wants to fight the war in Afghanistan to the finish with active participation of Pakistan. As long as Musharraf sits in President?s chair, Pakistan will not be able to rid itself of the perverse American influence or be able to control the flames of militancy.
Asif Haroon Raja is a freelance defence and political analyst based in Rawalpindi.
- Asian Tribune -
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